原始偙侇語（台語）“裙子”的構擬 Reconstruction of proto–Day-Iwáy (Proto-Tai) 裑(slín/slún)/繧(whín/vunj/vinj) สิ้น (ซิ่น) ‘skirt’

最近和泰國朋友Praphan先生聊天，聊到了泰語‘筒裙'（ซิ่น）的偙語支（Tai/Day/ไท）詞源。我一向知道它在儂佒壯語中的同源詞就是slín /ɬən³/，不過在壯語中它不專指西南偙語支族群傳統樣式的筒裙，而可以指代所有的裙子。後來我也好奇其他壯語方言如何稱呼裙子，一查《壯語方言研究》的“裙子”（張鈞如等1999年，第665頁，第480詞條），發現除了漢語借詞“裙”gunz /kunA2/之外，還有不少方言保留ซิ่น/slín的同源形式。

Recently, I was chatting with a Thai friend, Mr. Praphan, and we discussed the Tai (Day/ไท) etymology of the Thai word for 'traditional tube skirt' (ซิ่น). I have always known that its cognate in my native language Nong Iaang Zhuang is slín /ɬən³/, but it does not exclusively refer to the traditional style tube skirt of the Southwestern Tai groups; it can refer to all skirts. Later, I became curious about how other Zhuang dialects call “skirts”. Upon checking the entry for "skirt" (裙子) in "Studies on Zhuang Dialects" (Zhang Junru et al., 1999, p.665, entry 480), I found that besides the Chinese loanword "裙" pronounced as gunz /kun^A2/, many dialects retain cognate forms of ซิ่น/slín.

令我驚訝的是，這個詞在北部偙語（按：本人按其普遍的早期自稱規範為“侇語”Iwáy/ไอย้）的詞根雖然韻母和聲調和偙語都吻合，但聲母居然有w-、h-、jw-、j-等不同現代表現，然後這些聲母一般都不會和偙語的sl-/s-同源。此外，武鳴話（以及根據武鳴話制定的標準壯語）這個詞根是wun³，韻母是意想不到的-un；有趣的是，恰好中部偙語的廣南儂話也有sun³這個詞根，韻母同樣是後圓唇元音韻母的表現。

Strangely, I discovered that although the rime and tone of this etymon in Northern Tai (note: according to my own Zhuang orthography, Iwáy = Thai equivalent: ไอย้) match those in Tai/Day, the initial consonants show various forms like w-, h-, j-, and jw-. These Iwáy onsets generally do not correspond to sl-/s- in the Tai/Day branch. Moreover, the rime in Wuming (a Northern Tai or Iwáy dialect, on which Standard Zhuang based) is /-un/ as in /wun³/. Coincidentally, the Central Tai/Day dialect of Guangnan Nong also has the back rounded vowel form /sun³/.

這些發現不禁讓我想入翩翩，構擬了這個詞的原始偙侇語形式*ɬʷin^C，各方言的推測發展路徑如圖。原始偙侇語*ɬʷin^C的唇化聲母*ɬʷ-是一個很不常見的聲母，這種不常見導致它不穩固，而容易發生與其他接近發音的歸並。

在偙語和侇語從原始偙侇分化之後，它顯然是在原始偙語中首先是保持原始偙侇語的形式*ɬʷin^C，後來大部分偙語方言（即中部偙語和西南偙語，包括泰語）失去唇化成分，徑直發展為*ɬin^C的各種現代形式，但部分方言（如廣南儂語）在失去唇化成分的時候把韻母的前元音i變化為後高圓唇元音來彌補，才變成了sun³ [θʊn³]。

These findings led me into deep thought, and I reconstructed the Proto-Tai-Iwáy form of this word as ɬʷin^C (as shown in the Figure above). The labialized initial ɬʷ- in Proto-Tai-Iwáy ɬwin^C is a very uncommon initial. This uncommonness makes it unstable and prone to merging with other similar pronunciations. After Tai/Day and Iwáy diverged from Proto-Tai-Iwáy, it maintained the Proto-Tai-Iwáy form ɬwin^C initially in Proto-Tai/Day. Later, most Central and Southwester Tai/Day dialects, including Central Thai, lost the labialization, developing directly into various modern forms of *ɬin^C. However, some dialects (like Guangnan Nong), when losing labialization, compensated by backing and rounding the vowel, turning it into /sun³/ [θʊn³].

但在侇語中，*ɬʷ-的不常用導致它的前一個清化邊擦音弱化為前置聲門音[ʰ]，使之併入了更常用的清唇音*ʰw̥-，然後才有了侇語方言的各種複雜的後續發展。大部分保留這個詞根的侇語方言也是隨著前置聲門音唇音（或清化唇音）的濁化而直接發展為了現代的win³形式，但武鳴話的變化和廣南儂語類似，元音被聲母w-同化元音變成後圓唇元音u，即wun³。部分方言則在聲調分化之前，*ʰw-的前置聲門音增強，發展為唇化的hʷ-，並最終丟失唇化音發展為hin³。更有趣的是丘北、都安、龍勝和連山，*ʰw̥-在將雙唇輔音弱化為唇化成分的同時在前面插入一個半元音-j來阻止前置聲門音增強變成喉擦音h-，龍勝最終保留了這個形式，清響音濁化後成為了現代形式的jʷin³，丘北和都按則進一步丟掉唇化音發展為了jin³，而連山則在丟掉唇化音的同時用元音圓唇化來彌補，就變成了jyn³。

But in Iwáy, the unusualness of *ɬʷ- caused the preceding voiceless lateral fricative ɬ to weaken into a pre-aspiration [ʰ], making *ɬʷ- merge into the more common proto-onset, the preglottalised (voiceless) bilabial approximant *ʰw̥-, which then led to the various complex subsequent developments in the Iwáy dialects. Most Iwáy dialects retaining this etymon also developed directly into the modern /win³/ form following the voicing of the originally voiceless sonorant onsets. However, the change in Wuming dialect is similar to that of Guangnan Nong: the vowel was assimilated by the initial w- into a back rounded vowel /-u/, becoming /wun³/. Some dialects, before tonal split, had the pre-aspiration [ʰ-] strengthen, developing into a labialized /hʷ-/, and finally losing the labialization to lead the result of this etymon becoming /hin³/. Even more interesting are those in Qiubei, Du'an, Longsheng, and Lianshan. /ʰw̥-/ weakened the bilabial consonant into a labialization while inserting a semi-vowel -j in front to prevent the pre-aspiration from strengthening into the glottal fricative h-. Longsheng ultimately retained this form, which, after the voiceless sonorant onsets became voiced, leading to the modern form /jʷin³/. In Qiubei and Du'an, it further developed by dropping the labialization to become /jin³/, while in Lianshan, when dropping labialization, it compensated by rounding the vowel, becoming /jyn³/.

一個在現代偙侇語各方言中似乎不相關的詞根，其實其共有的源頭有跡可循，相當有趣。

A lexicon that seems unrelated in the modern Dai-Iwáy dialects actually has traceable common origins, which is quite fascinating.

參考文獻/Reference：

Zhang, JunRu (张均如), Liang Min (梁敏), Ouyang JueYa (欧阳觉亚), Zheng YiQing (郑贻青), Li XuLian (李旭练) & Xie JianYou (谢建猷). 1999. Zhuàngyǔ fāngyán yánjiū (壮语方言研究) [Zhuang dialect research]. Chinese minority language dialect research series. Chengdu: Sichuan Ethnic Publishing House.